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  • ABOUT ME--MY FINAL BLOG HERE

    2008-12-26

    if you wanna know what i am doing now,or if you are interested in psychology,please visit my website.


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  • 美国青少年“禁欲教育”失败

    2007-4-18

    耗资十五亿美元 花费十年时间
    美国青少年“禁欲教育”失败

    作者:韩曙  日期:2007.04.16  版次:A1-16

        本报专稿  为了避免青少年过早地发生性行为,从1996年起,美国政府开展了一项进行了长达10年时间的“禁欲教育项目”。但美国儿童及家庭管理局进行的一次最新调查报告却显示,这样的性教育,根本起不到任何作用。

        研究者对770万名美国青少年进行了调查,结果发现,那些曾经参加好几个性教育班的孩子,第一次发生性行为的平均年龄为14岁零9个月。这与那些没有接受过类似教育的孩子首次性行为的年龄相差无几。

        许多专家认为,这一结果是“对性教育的一次重大打击”。他们说,在过去10年内,为了劝说青少年在婚前不要发生性行为,美国已经花费了超过15亿美元,但却远远没有达到人们预期的效果,这说明某些地方出现了问题。

        美国“预防少女怀孕运动”的负责人表示:“人们通常都知道不应该做些什么、也下定决心不做这些事情,但真正落实到行动上,就是另外一回事了。”

    However,nearly 40 years after LaPiere's findings,a review of the attitude-behavīor research that had accumlated over the years concluded that the correlation between measured attitudes and actual behavīor was indeed weak and perhaps nonexistent(Wicker,1971).

    《改变心理学的40项研究 影印版》p292 (美)霍克(Hock,R.R.)中国轻工业出版社 ISBN:7501946124

        美国政府一名官员也沮丧地承认,之前对这一教育项目的预计过于乐观。他说:“孩子们对性行为的观念可能发生了一些变化,我们以为他们在行动上也会有所改变。但我们不知道的是,他们的行为完全没有跟上观念的变化。”也有专家认为,问题也可能出现在这一教育项目“禁欲”的主题上。一名专家认为,也许美国政府应该放弃“禁欲”的教育主题,转向全面、科学、客观的性教育。 

    (韩曙) 

    资料来源:新民晚报

  • ECONOMICS

    2007-4-18

    AN INQUIRY INTO THE NATURE AND CAUSES OF THE WEALTH OF NATIONS

    Adam Smith

    The Principles of Political Economy and Taxation

    David Recardo            Iron Law of Wages

    The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money

    John Maynard Keynes

    Milton Friedman

     

    谢谢小蟋蟀

  • 原文摘录

    2007-4-17

    Abraham H. Maslow 《TOWARD A PSYCHOLOGY OF BEING》

    we learn what we are good at, what we really like or dislike, what our tastes and judgments and capacities are”. (p.54)

    Children can’t be pushed ahead. The only way in which we can know is by his choices, which is to say only he can ever really know the right moment when the beckoning forces ahead overbalance the beckoning forces behind, and courage outweighs fear. i.e., The person, even the child, most choose for himself. Nobody can choose for him.” (p.57)

    Only the one who respects fear and defense can teach; only the one who respects health can do therapy.”(p.61)

    pace of growth:

    we can’t force him to grow, we can only coax him to, make it more possible for him, in the trust that simply experiencing the new experience will make him prefer it. Only he can prefer it; no one can prefer it for him.” (p.62)

     

  • evolutionary psychology

    2007-4-17

    In the distant future I see open fields for more important researches.Psychology will be based on a new foundation, that of the necessary acquirement of each mental power and capacity by gradation.

    - Charles Darwin, 1859

     

    http://hbes.com/


    http://homepage.psy.utexas.edu/homepage/Group/BussLAB/

  • DATABASE-PROQUEST

    2007-4-14

     
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  • 心理咨询师的职业病

    2007-4-13

    心理咨询师的职业病

    每一个行业做得久了,或多或少人格上会带有这个行业的特定色彩,也可以称为心理上的“职业病”。比如,做护士时间长了,就似乎对别人的痛苦同情度下降;做教师时间久了,见了言语间不免指手画脚起来,似乎和谁在一起他(她)都是“主任”。同样,身边有各种各样的咨询师,爱上或者干上心理学这一行,免不了也染上一些心理上的职业病。归结起来,似乎以下这些我见得比较多:

    1、动机分析症,这是一个中性的称呼,说得不好听一点就是“隐私偷窥症”。不论什么人,什么事,都要把人家的动机分析分析;也不管是不是在咨询,生活中也是一样,开玩笑也是如此。你说我某某癖,我就说你某某症,剩下一位就会说你们这都是“投射”。就象我在这里分析所写的东西,自我分析起来,大概也是这种职业病在起作用。

    2、自大症。这也是这个职业的特点所决定的。本来,山可以测,海可以量,小小的人心,近在咫尺却永远也看不透,但是,作为心理咨询师这个行业,不仅要测量人心,看透人心,最重要的职业目的是改变人心,你看,积极在这个职业里活动的是不是都有自大的倾向。当然,有些人还有自知之明,有些人就可以演化成为“自大症”了。尤其是弗洛伊德创的什么理论,更利于这种带有偏执特点的自大症发展。例如,当咨询师对你的心理问题进行分析的时候,如果你觉得对,那么很自然,他会因此而沾沾自喜,助长了他的骄傲和自大;如果你说分析得不对,那么他说你这是“阻抗”,内心深处潜意识层面有,但意识层面不愿意承认,所以即使不对,也不会影响他的自信心,这样一来,不论他实际上说得对不对,利用精神分析理论,咨询师总是对的,这样便愈发自大起来。这似乎也是这么多咨询师喜欢精神分析的重要原因吧。

    3、“超英赶美症”。自大症到了后期,就是超英赶美症,主要症状是,在学习或者翻阅了一些外国的咨询文献后(或者没有翻阅也不得而知),便自创理论,起一个大大的非常吓人的名字,比如说“宇宙超级心理治疗术”。其它的疗法都不值得一提,只有他的这种才是针对中国人的,最最有效。中国心理学如果采用了他的办法,依据了他的理论,不久就会超英赶美,世界无敌。

    4、“高深莫测症”。是超英赶美症的并发症,其主要表现是不除了对自己的学问的夸耀之外,就不怎么认真的谈学术问题了,你如果认真请教,他也是常常“王顾左右而言它”,给人的感觉非常高深莫测,但究竟有多高,谁也不知道。用世俗的眼光看来,与其说象个心理学者,不如说象个气功大师,所以此症的另一个名称应该是“故弄玄虚症”。

    不过需要说明的是,我现实的周围,也有许多咨询界的好朋友,在他们中间,“动机分析症”很常见,而其它的症状很罕见;但是,后面的三种症状似乎在网上的各个咨询论坛上却比较常见,也许是我的这些朋友们学艺不精,还没有达到这么高的层次吧。

    资料来源:迟毓凯blog

  • 心理学:不神秘,很可爱

    2007-4-13

    心理学:不神秘,很可爱

      对于心理学所遭受的那些误解,颇有些无奈。一些心理学最基本的东西,还有宣传的必要,所以写下如下文字:

    (一)心理学在研究什么?

      每一个以心理学为专业的人,在和陌生人的首次交流中,一般都会遇到这样的问题,“嗨,学心理学的,你能猜出我在想什么吗?”每到此时,一些狡猾的专业人士会以各种借口搪塞过去,而对于一些比较老实的专业人士,他们往往会略带惭愧地解释说:“心理学不是算命,我们不以研究别人想什么为研究对象的。”

      那么,心理学应当研究什么呢?按标准的说法,它以心理现象及其规律为研究对象。换句话说,相对于心理内容,心理学更以研究心理过程和心理规律为己任。例如,心理学专业者可能不以你此时此刻想什么为研究内容,他们对你在什么情境和条件下会想这些内容更感兴趣。大体上,心理学研究的对象包括人的思维过程、情意过程、个性特征,以及人与人之间心灵互动的规律等内容。

      这里需要说明的一个问题是,心理学不能等于心理咨询,虽然大众对此可能更感兴趣。不错,心理咨询、心理健康是心理学的研究对象,但心理学绝不仅仅研究这些内容。比如,我本人就对用实验的方法来研究社会层面的心理内容感兴趣,这部分,并不涉及心理是否异常的问题,考虑的更多的是心态正常的人们之间彼此如何互相影响的问题。

     (二)心理学家什么样?

      在很多人的心目中,搞心理学的人都目光深邃,心灵敏感,不管你什么样的表现,他都会分析出你行为背后的动机,是个相当利害和不可亲近的角色。公众得出这样的结论不足为怪,因为我国的心理学专业人员并不多,很多人都是从影视上得到心理专业人士的形象的,以为各个心理学家都象《沉默的羔羊》中那位吃人的心理专家那样可怕呢。

      也许真的有这样的心理学从业者,但至少在现实生活中,这样的人我还没有见到过。其实,心理学由于研究领域的广阔性,相对于其它专业,心理学业内人士更会体现出参差百态的特点。有的人研究人的注意或者记忆,那么他们的表现更可能象个物理学家;有的人研究大脑的生理机制,可能更象个生理学家;有的人研究心理学理论流派,可能更象个历史学家;有的人研究不同文化下的心理特点,可能更象个人类学家……对于心理学的研究,可以从自然科学的角度,也可以利用社会科学的办法,这也是心理学的迷人之处,每一个学心理学的人,不管他的个性和喜好如何,都可以在心理学研究领域中找到属于他自己的位置。也许没有人能说清心理学家究竟什么样,但绝对不只是如影视所表现的心理学家那样单一的形象。

     (三)学心理学会不会学变态?

      从我个人的感受而言,在心理学研习的人群中,确实变态者可能要比一般的群体要高。但追究其原因,我并不认为其变态的原因是由于学习心理学。心理学一般有三类人在学习,一类是有专业兴趣的人,从小就对自我与他人的互动感兴趣;一类是由于某种原因误入心理学阵营,他们或是情愿或是不情愿在学习着心理学;还有一种人,是在学习心理学之间,本身就有一定的心理问题,他们之所以来学心理学,就是要为了解决其心理问题的。换句话是,他们不是学心理学学变态了,而是变态了才学心理学的。正是由于这个原因的存在,给公众的感觉是学心理学的心理问题反倒更多,这里其实有个变态和学习谁先谁后的问题。

      此外,需要特别说明的,心理学更多的是一种科学,一种看问题的角度;它不是宗教。但是在现实中,也有一些人在学习心理学的时候更多的时候是痴迷,把心理学某些理论(尤其是精神分析有关的)当成了一种信仰,而不是采用一种研习和客观对待的态度,这确实也容易出一些问题,尤其是当学习者有一些人格缺陷的时候。总之,为什么学习心理学的人变态的多,不是因为学习心理学之后变了态,而是因为有些变态的人在学心理学,而且采用了变态的方式。

     

    (四)心理学家是如何做研究的?

      教育学的理论者和实践工作者往往会采用问题领先的研究方式,即在他们看来研究的问题更为重要,而方法可以是多元的。而对于科学的心理学研究而言,则更多的会采取方法领先的方式,即在处理问题前,我看看是否有合适的方法,如果现在没有比较理想的方法,问题再重要,我一般也不会来研究。

      就我个人看来,心理学对于方法的强调比教育学会更为严格一些,相对于理论,它更强调实验,注重用数据来说话。这一点上,心理学会和教育学有所不同,比如,教育叙事研究更注重个体的体验和经历,但科学的心理学认为例子是一个弱的证据,并不能说明你所支持的理念正确。比如,当人们问一个老寿星为什么长寿时,有的人回答是“抽烟喝酒不运动”,那么心理学不会立即得出“抽烟喝酒不运动”是长寿的原因,而是通过调查,如果达到显著多数的寿星都是这种观点,我们才会得出支持这一假设的结论。因此,在我以后所介绍的心理学研究中,如果我说“心理学研究表明”,一般是指通过调查或者实验得出的结论,而不是通过个案分析得到的结果。

      有些对心理学持批评态度的人常说,“心理学劳神费力地运用实验和数据,却往往得出了一个常识性的结论,这还不如我们思考一下得到的结论深刻呢”。必须承认,正象其它学科也有许多垃圾一样的研究一样,心理学中也有一些研究很平庸。但一个精彩的心理学研究,其实往往会得出超越常识的结论的,它们会体现出语不惊人死不修的可爱。比如,一般的常识表明,表扬会让一个学生更努力。心理学的研究就会做出一些有趣的研究,证明在某种条件下表扬会让学生更为沮丧的命题。只不过这样的研究我们知道的太少了,我会在随后的一段时间里,介绍一些心理学这样的研究,尤其是以人的心理健康为主题的。

       总之,我想告诉大家的是:心理学,不神秘,很可爱。

     

    资料来源:迟毓凯blog

  • 心理学研究生要读什么样的文献

    2007-4-13

    心理学研究生要读什么样的文献?
    2007-04-11 09:50, 迟毓凯
     
      每一个在读书的研究生或者本科生,都要做一篇论文,都要搞一点研究。否则,去读一个咨询师的班或者自己找点书来读算了。那么,在浩如烟海的资料丛林中,应该看些什么样的文献才好呢?

    中文vs.外文

      这里的选择我建议是英文资料。都知道,现代心理科学来源于西方,而且在西方理性主义和科学精神的指引下,西方的资料中更少玄而又玄的东西,心理科学研究也更为成熟一些。反观国内,或者先秦古汉语中的心理学思想,或者是在篇幅限制下的语焉不详的短小研究。前者,读的其实不是什么现代心理科学,而是一些零散的中国式哲学思想而已,而后者,严重缺乏原创,多为模仿跟踪发展之作。所以,读资料,以外文,尤其是英语文献为主。

    搜索引擎vs.专业数据库

      同中文一样,英文文献中资料也多得不得了,那么读哪些?当然要读好的、经典的、最新的了。这些资料在哪里?一般的首选不应该是百度、google之类的,因为互联网上搜索来的资料毕竟良莠不齐,一不小心看上一份不入流的资料还好,顶天是浪费了时间,如果要是摊上本身便是类似于心理患者写的文章,导致误入歧途就得不偿失了,尤其对那些对心理学摄入不深的人,对互联网上的心理学资料更要慎重一点。到自己学校的外文数据库中去看看吧。

    高级杂志vs.一般杂志

      即使在英文心理学数据库中,各个杂志之间也有水平高低之分。俗话说,"跟臭棋篓子下棋会越下越臭"。作为学习者,在有限的时间内,当然选择比较顶级的杂志为好了,有哪些杂志可以选择呢。有一篇美国心理学杂志的排名榜可以看看,尽量看一些"上榜品牌",质量应该还是有所保障的,免得浪费了时间。

    理论研究vs.实证研究

      按理说,理论研究和实证研究对于心理学研究同等重要。然而,可以肯定的是,不同的选择一般会影响个人成就产生的时间,两种不同的研究类型其知识结构是不同的。理论研究的知识结构类似于金字塔型,需要比较深的知识基础沉淀,才能在理论研究中有所心得和发现,因此,从事理论研究的人一般要有"板凳要坐十年冷"的精神才行;而实证研究的知识结构更类似于电线杆型,有的时候并不需要太多的知识积累(当然,这是相对而言的),便可以照猫画虎,现学现卖,所谓"一招鲜,吃遍天"。对于年轻的研究者而言,如果想早一点看到自己的研究成果,个人认为,专心于实证研究是个不错的选择。其实,心理学的现实也是如此,那些年轻的成就显赫的心理学者,多为认知、神经等实证研究者,而心理学史论的研究者常常是越老越"值钱"的。

    什么样的实证研究?

      既然要看实证研究了,那么多资料,应该选择什么样实证研究呢?不说了,佛祖都说,不可说,不可说,一说便错。

    资料来源:迟毓凯blog
  • 科学家破译猕猴基因组

    2007-4-13


    科学家破译猕猴基因组
    与黑猩猩及人类的基因相似度约为97.5%

    作者:张忠霞  日期:2007.04.13  版次:A1-1


        11:30中午截稿消息


        据新华社华盛顿4月12日电  (记者  张忠霞)一个国际科学家小组12日宣布,他们成功破译出了猕猴的基因组,这是继人类和黑猩猩之后,科学家破译出的第三种灵长类动物基因组。13日出版的《科学》杂志将这一成果作为封面文章。


        科学家测序结果表明,猕猴的基因与黑猩猩及人类的基因相似度约为97.5%,而黑猩猩和人类二者共有的基因达99%。


        科学家于2001年成功破译人类基因组,2005年又成功破译出黑猩猩的基因组。


        如果说黑猩猩是人类“近亲”的话,猕猴可以算是人类的“远戚”,它和我们的祖先在大约2500万年前“分道扬镳”。科学家说:“因为猕猴比黑猩猩在进化上离我们更远,所以现在三种灵长类基因组相对比,更具研究价值。”

     

    资料来源:新民晚报 第一版

     

  • 海的颜色

    2007-4-12

    海的颜色 发布于2007-04-12 03:57:06

    林紫女士:你好!我有一个逆反心理特别严重的外甥女,目前正在早恋(她刚到十五岁),家人的任何劝告均听不进去,反而会变本加利地我行我素,她似乎对她的任何亲人都有了一种敌视的感觉,这让我们感觉到她心理上存在很大的问题,又不知该从何入手对她进行教育,这让孩子和她的母亲都感到非常的痛苦,为了孩子的将来,为了家庭的幸福,我们只好求助于心理医生的您,衷心希望您能对此给予答复.我的邮箱是MYJMYC@263.COM,电话:659097752(也可使用我的电话邮箱,即电话号加@电话.COM)。望您能早日与我取得联系为盼。

     

    海的颜色,

    虽然我不是您要找的林紫女士,但是为了减轻她的工作量,我想如果您和她都没有意见的话,由我代替她对您的问题作些探讨。

    1。我个人认为在早恋这个问题上,真正需要改变的是父母对待早恋的态度。我个人坦诚的说:我的早恋经验非常丰富,12岁时第一次知道什么是失恋,也在同一年我追到了自己今生第一个真心喜欢的女孩。其实,想想您或者孩子的父母在那个情窦初开的年龄,就没有钟情过某个他/她?推己及人,我们是否应该尊重孩子的选择呢?因此,第一步不是试图阻止这种自然而然的萌动,而是理解孩子的需要。

    2。从专业意见来说,早恋孩子的家庭教育往往是有缺陷的,往往是因为没在本该得到温暖的家里,得到孩子所渴望的,才会促使他们很自然的到外面去寻找所需要的,或者是父母关系在孩子身上的连动反应。类似的情况,父母也需要回顾自己所给予的是否就真的是孩子所需要的?多倾听孩子内心深处的呼唤,比自以为是的给予好很多。很多时候, 在孩子成长中没有妥善处理的问题,错过了这个阶段,也许很难再有机会。

    3。我理解父母对于孩子出现类似的问题,最担心的是学习和意外妊娠。对于意外妊娠,很多中国父母回避这些问题,我想需要告诉孩子什么是OK的,什么不是,特别是针对女儿,父母责无旁贷。至于学习,当本身存在着的家庭问题得到解决,孩子得到了学习的动机,那什么时候开始学习都不会太晚的。

    4。处于这个时期的孩子逆反心理严重,单纯的说教是无法起到良好效果的。在这个时期,他们渴望得到承认,他们渴望得到鼓励,作为父母能不能不再把他们当作小孩子,而是作朋友呢?甚至某种程度的示弱,也是不错的选择,让他们开始试着担负责任。很多父母一边希望子女独立,一边又不愿意放手,那孩子没有机会独立处理,又如何长大呢?男孩,开始抽烟、打架,女孩,开始化妆、恋爱,都是模仿成人化的行为。这个过程对其一生有其重要意义--社会化,作为父母应该很开心看到孩子的逆反,但更多的父母对于孩子逆反强行镇压,这里是不是有些别的因素在干扰了父母理智的判断?试想在最安全的社会化环境(我们的家)里,都不能为自己争取空间,那孩子又如何在社会上立足呢?

    5。很多时候,有些事情需要等待时机来处理的。在8年前,我和妹妹曾经因为学习的事情发生严重对峙,多次强行交涉后,我最终放弃干涉。但在去年,她突然对我说:我好后悔,我想学习。为了弥补失去的时间,她采用了高强度的平行方式来学习。我很为她感到高兴,虽然晚了很多年,但是她最终领悟到了很多是她自己的努力。当她获得了自主的学习动机,学习就不在是个问题了。

     

    不知道我个人的这些意见是否对你有所帮助?也不知道自己的答复是否能不辱使命?

     

    最后,祝您和您的家人安好!

     

     


    DANNY
    2007.4.12

  • 5 Mating

    2007-4-09

    5 Mating


    So far we have explored a number of rather abstractly theoretical issues regarding the evolution and structure of the mind and haven’t paid much attention to the contents of the mind, the specific ways that people think and feel. But what makes Evolutionary Psychology so fascinating is how it applies its abstract theoretical principles to generate specific hypotheses about human psychology. For it holds the promise of revealing the nature of, and evolutionary reasons for, the psychology underlying our intimate relationships with others—why we desire sex with some people but not others, why we marry or cohabitate with the people we do, why we are sometimes unfaithful, why infidelities elicit jealousy, and why we care so deeply for our children. Unlike the more abstractly theoretical issues we have so far considered, these claims concern issues that occupy the overwhelming majority of our daily lives.


    This is the first of three chapters that will examine Evolutionary Psychology’s specific hypotheses, and the evidence offered in their support,regarding the psychology of mate choice, infidelity, jealousy, and parental care. This chapter will focus on the psychology of mate choice.


    Evolutionary Psychology has offered a number of interesting hypotheses regarding sex differences in the psychology of human mating. But this chapter will focus exclusively on two core hypotheses that have become shibboleths of Evolutionary Psychology. Men, Evolutionary Psychologists claim, have an evolved preference for mating with young women, and women have an evolved preference for mating with high-status men. These preferences are supposedly implemented in evolved modules that are also designed to detect signs of youth and status, respectively.


    Evolutionary Psychologists claim to have gathered overwhelming empirical evidence that confirms both of these hypotheses, and this chapter will examine that evidence. Since chapter 4 argued that we don’t have evolved modules for all the functions Evolutionary Psychologists claim, I will not

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    be concerned here with evaluating any evidence for modularity. My focus,instead, will be on the preferences themselves—on whether men have evolved to detect and prefer young women and whether women have evolved to detect and prefer high-status men—regardless of the kind of mechanism that implements them. The question is: How good is the evidence for Evolutionary Psychology’s core hypotheses about male and female mate preferences? But before examining the evidence let’s briefly examine the theoretical foundation of the hypotheses.


    “The Evolution of Desire”


    As we saw in chapter 1, life (in the biological, not existential, sense of the term) is all about reproductive success—how many copies of one’s genes one contributes to future generations via the bodies of one’s offspring. We also saw in chapter 1 that many activities have fitness costs and benefits,which respectively diminish and enhance fitness. Producing offspring, the very sine qua non of fitness, is no exception. Indeed, producing offspring is a costly endeavor.


    First of all, barring very recently invented reproductive technologies (which are too new to have affected evolved motives and preferences), in sexually reproducing species such as ours, you’ve got to have sex with a member of the opposite sex in order to produce offspring. But, unfortunately, members of the opposite sex don’t have sex with you just because you want them to. They’ve got to be enticed into it, one way or another,and the cost of enticement can range from the metabolic costs of producing a come-hither wink to the costs of building a bower or obtaining and presenting gifts over an extended period. Once a partner has been enticed,the sex act costs the energy involved in doing it (plus the contents of an ejaculate if you’re male). Then, if sex results in conception and you’re a female, you’ve just begun to pay. If you’re a human female, you pay the costs of a nine-month gestation, which exacts an enormous physiological toll on your body. And, throughout most of our evolutionary history,ancestral women paid the additional metabolic costs involved in breastfeeding for several years.


    So here is one of Nature’s great inequities. If you’re a woman, the absolute minimum cost for producing a single offspring is quite high. Not only do you pay the costs of gestation and lactation, but you also pay the cost of forgoing any other possible reproductive opportunities with males other than the father of your offspring—possibly better males than the father of your offspring—during the period of pregnancy and lactation. If

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    you’re a man, on the other hand, the absolute minimum cost for producing a single offspring is the energy expended in copulation and the contents of a single ejaculate (an inexpensive 300 million sperm and three milliliters of semen). After a fruitful copulation, a man can get up and pursue reproductive opportunities with other women, whereas a woman is committed to the costly act of childbearing. This is a radical asymmetry in the minimum costs the sexes must pay in order to produce a single offspring.


    Although the costs are real, it’s not like flushing money down the toilet,since you do get an offspring out of the deal. So these expenditures are really an investment—what is called parental investment. Parental investment is standardly defined as any characteristics or behavīors of a parent that enhance the ability of an offspring to survive and reproduce at a cost to the parent’s fitness, including diminishment in the parent’s future abilities to mate or care for other offspring. Thus, one way of describing the above asymmetry between the sexes is that the minimum obligatory parental investment for women is vastly higher than that for men.


    Evolutionary Psychologists derive their hypotheses about evolved mate preferences from this fact about minimum obligatory parental investment,and the derivation begins in the work of the evolutionary anthropologist Robert Trivers. In a classic article, Trivers argued that, when there is a sex asymmetry in parental investment, selection will tend to make the higherinvesting sex choosier in the mating market, because that sex stands to lose more by making a poor choice of mate. This greater choosiness on the part of the higher-investing sex will force members of the other sex to compete among one another to be chosen. As a result, the higherinvesting sex will appear more cautious in the mating market, while the lower-investing sex will appear more eager and more intensely competitive in its attempts to attract mates. For example, if males invest nothing beyond the act of copulation and an ejaculate, leaving females to cover all costs of parental care, females will be very selective in choosing a mate.Under these circumstances, males are little more than sperm transport, so a male’s quality is solely a function of the genes he can provide. Females will then hold out for males who show signs of having “good genes”—signs such as good health and bodily symmetry (a purported sign of developmental stability). And males will compete among themselves to be chosen by females, attempting to present the best advertisements of “good genes.”


    Trivers’s theory is supported by observations of the mating habits of many species. Some of the strongest support for the theory comes from

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    species in which males provide greater parental investment than females,since males in those species tend to be more selective in choosing mates and females are more competitive. But Trivers’s theory also predicts that,if the parental investment in both sexes is relatively high, both sexes will be highly selective in choosing mates, holding out for mates who demonstrate the ability to provide a fairly high level of parental investment.


    Humans are among a small minority of species in which both sexes invest heavily in offspring. Of course, as we’ve seen, the physiological investment by females vastly exceeds that by males. But, as we saw in chapter 1, merely bringing offspring into the world is no guarantee of genetic immortality. In some species, offspring are born sufficiently developed that they can survive on their own almost immediately. But human offspring are heavily dependent on parental care for many years after birth. Indeed, in the early years they are entirely incapable of caring for themselves, requiring very intensive parental care. Since reproductive success requires that offspring themselves survive to reproduce, human offspring need to be nurtured at least until they’re able to survive on their own.


    And this, according to Evolutionary Psychology, is where male parental investment comes in. During our evolutionary history, Evolutionary Psychologists argue, a female who had to spend all her days tending to a suckling infant would not have been able to adequately provide for herself and her infant. So it was necessary for males to provide their mates and offspring with food, shelter, and protection. Further, the demands of survival among our ancestors required learning the skills involved in foraging for food and making shelter, and the demands of reproduction required learning the skills involved in negotiating one’s social group. So males could also enhance the survivability and subsequent reproductive success of their offspring by playing a role in teaching them such skills. On average, then, the rate of survival and subsequent reproductive success of offspring of ancestral “single mothers” would have been lower than that of offspring who enjoyed both maternal care and a high level of male parental care. Thus, Evolutionary Psychologists argue, the extraordinarily heavy dependence of human offspring on parental care created strong selection pressure for a fairly high level of male parental investment. (There are reasons, which I will discuss in chapter 6, for believing that this is not why male parental investment evolved.)


    Despite the relatively high level of male parental investment in our species, however, the postnatal parental investment provided by females still

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    our species. With internal fertilization, a female can always be 100 percent certain that the offspring she births are hers. But no male can be 100 percent certain that the offspring birthed by his mate are his. For we are a species in which internal fertilization is coupled with concealed ovulation. This contrasts with other primates, such as chimpanzees. When a chimpanzee female is ovulating, her genitals swell and become red, a clear sign to chimpanzee males that it is time to take action. If a chimpanzee male wants to sire an offspring, he merely needs to ensure that he sexually monopolizes a female during her fertile period. Ancestral human males, in contrast, had no idea when females were ovulating, so they could never be sure whether they were inseminating a fertile female or not. So,in order to sire an offspring, they had to copulate with ancestral females round-the-month. But a lot can happen in a month. The demands of survival would have required frequent periods during which mates were out of one another’s sight foraging, for example. A female who had been out of sight for a mere twenty minutes could have been carrying internally the inseminate of another male. Even if her mate copulated with her immediately upon their reunion, there was never any sure way to know exactly what was going on in there. As a result, any issue from her womb was of uncertain provenance from a male’s perspective. This is known as the problem of paternity uncertainty.


    Given the possibility that a male’s putative offspring are not truly his own, there is always the chance that the male is investing in another male’s offspring, thus squandering resources that could be better spent in a competition to fertilize other females. A female, in contrast, never faces the potential problem of squandering her parental investment on offspring she mistakenly believes to be hers. Thus, Evolutionary Psychologists argue,since human male parental investment can be misspent in a way that human female parental investment cannot, selection should have designed males to deliver a lower level of parental investment than females as a hedge against the possibility of misspending it. In fact, Evolutionary Psychologists further predict, the degree of male parental investment should be a function of the degree to which a male feels confident in his paternity of offspring.


    Nonetheless, because human males provided a fairly high level of parental investment throughout our evolutionary history, they, like human females, have evolved to be very selective in choosing a female with whom they will jointly invest in offspring. However, because the two sexes provided different forms of parental investment throughout human evolutionary history, Evolutionary Psychologists argue, each sex has evolved to prefer as mates those members of the opposite sex who

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    show signs of being able to provide the forms of parental investment in which that sex specialized in human evolutionary history.


    As the Evolutionary Psychologists Douglas Kenrick and Richard Keefe put it: “Males invest relatively more indirect resources (food, money,protection, and security), and females invest relatively more direct physiological resources (contributing their own bodily nutrients to the fetus and nursing the child). For this reason, females who are choosing mates are assumed to pay particular attention to a male’s ability to provide indirect resources, and males are assumed to pay special attention to signs of a female’s apparent health and reproductive potential.”1 Thus, females should have evolved to prefer males who can provide indirect resources,whereas males should have evolved to prefer females of peak reproductive
    potential.


    But this poses a “detection problem” for both sexes: How can each sex detect the members of the opposite sex who possess the preferred qualities?A male’s ability to provide indirect resources cannot be directly detected in the way the length of his nose can. Similarly, as David Buss says: “The number of children a woman is likely to bear in her lifetime is not stamped on her forehead. It is not imbued in her social reputation.Even women themselves lack direct knowledge of their reproductive value.”2 Therefore, Evolutionary Psychologists argue, women should have evolved to be attracted to detectable qualities of men that are correlated with
    the ability to provide indirect resources, and men should have evolved to be attracted to detectable qualities of women that are correlated with peak reproductive potential.


    Women, according to Evolutionary Psychologists, solved their detection problem by evolving a preference for high-status males. For, as the Evolutionary Psychologist Bruce Ellis says: “In general, the higher a male is in status (i.e., the higher the level of esteem and influence accorded to him by others), the greater his ability to control resources across many situations.. . . Since control of positional resources is both a sign and a reward of status, natural selection could be expected to have favored evaluative mechanisms in women designed to detect and prefer high-status men.”3 Hence Evolutionary Psychology’s core hypothesis about female mate preferences.


    Men, on the other hand, needed to solve the problem of detecting peak reproductive potential. Reproductive potential involves two things. On the one hand, it involves fertility, which is a measure of the likelihood of being able to conceive and carry a pregnancy to term, and a human female’s fertility typically peaks in her mid-twenties. On the other hand, reproductive

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    potential involves reproductive value, which is a measure of the remaining number of offspring that a female can produce. The younger a fertile woman is the greater is her reproductive potential, since the greater is the number of years she has remaining in which to produce offspring. So women with the highest fertility don’t have the greatest reproductive value and vice versa. But women in their very early twenties are near the peaks of both fertility and reproductive value, so they have the highest overall reproductive potential—that is, the greatest ability to immediately provide the physiological resources necessary for bearing many offspring.


    Of course, as Buss notes, “even age must be inferred, as it cannot be assessed directly.”4 To further complicate matters, this preference for women of peak reproductive potential evolved well before calendars and even before counting, so it wasn’t possible to simply ask about a woman’s age during the evolution of these preferences. Males, Buss argues, also had to evolve a solution to the detection problem for age. Thus, “according to evolutionary psychologists, the evolutionary model predicts that what men desire is not youth per se, but rather features of women that are associated with reproductive value or fertility.”5 These features are “full lips [since lips thin with advancing age], clear skin, smooth skin, clear eyes,lustrous hair, good muscle tone and body fat distribution.”6

    The qualities of full lips, good muscle tone, and so on, are perhaps self-explanatory. But body fat distribution requires some comment. Before puberty, Evolutionary Psychologists argue, boys and girls are shaped much alike, with a waist-to-hip ratio of roughly 0.90 (which means that the girth of the waist is 90 percent of that of the hips). At puberty, however, the release of estrogen in females causes fat to be deposited on the hips and upper thighs. As a result, females’ hips become even wider after puberty, with the waist-to-hip ratio decreasing to around 0.70. Pregnancy,however, often leaves a lasting deposit of fat on the waist, increasing the waist-to-hip ratio. Further, as women approach middle age and undergo menopause, more body fat gets deposited in the waist, thereby further increasing the waist-to-hip ratio. Thus, according to Evolutionary Psychologists,a waist-to-hip ratio of around 0.70 indicates a fertile female who
    has yet to bear a child; and, throughout much of human evolutionary history a fertile, yet childless, female would have been very close to her peak reproductive potential. So, Evolutionary Psychologists conclude, males have evolved a preference for females with waist-to-hip ratios around 0.70.


    We see, then, how Evolutionary Psychologists arrive at the hypotheses that women have an evolved preference for high-status men and that men

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    have an evolved preference for young women (that is, women with physical features that are correlated with peak reproductive potential).These hypotheses are derived from general theoretical considerations regarding the nature of parental investment in our species.


    It is worth noting, however, that these preferences are for the qualities of long-term mates. According to Evolutionary Psychologists, when people are in the market for short-term mates (one-night stands, for example),their preferences shift. Men still like fertile women as short-term mates,Evolutionary Psychologists claim, but men’s standards for short-term mating typically drop so low that they’re willing to copulate with pretty much anything that is self-moving (since, after all, sperm is cheap).Women, on the other hand, are less interested in status and more  interested in intelligence and good looks when seeking a short-term mate. In what follows, I will not examine these claims about short-term mate preferences,but will focus exclusively on the two core hypotheses regarding long-term mate preferences.

    Each of the hypotheses about long-term mate preferences is separable into two independent claims. One is a claim about what people prefer, and the other is a claim about why they prefer it. Each hypothesis, that is, contains a claim that a particular universal preference has evolved in each sex and a claim that that universal preference evolved because of selection for it in our evolutionary past (that it is an adaptation). These claims are typically not separated, because empirical studies in Evolutionary Psychology are presumed to test both claims simultaneously.


    To illustrate, consider the male preference for youth. As Buss says,“because male reproductive success in humans depends heavily on mating with reproductively capable females, selection over thousands of generations should favor those males who prefer to mate with reproductively capable females.”7 Here a hypothesis about what males prefer (reproductive capability) is derived from a hypothesis about how selection has acted during human evolutionary history, which would explain why males have that preference (it is an adaptation). If we get confirmation of the derived (preference) hypothesis, it seems to be simultaneous confirmation of the hypothesis (about past selection) from which it was derived. So, if the evidence shows that males indeed prefer youth, that appears to confirm the hypothesis that the preference is an adaptation.


    Universality enters the picture because, for the reasons discussed in chapters 2 and 3, Evolutionary Psychologists believe that adaptations are,of necessity, species universals. This is why, in attempting to confirm hypotheses about evolved mate preferences, Buss conducted a massive

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    cross-cultural study (to be discussed below) to determine whether the predicted preferences are indeed universal. According to Buss, the evidence shows that “men universally prefer younger women as wives” and that “women worldwide desire financial resources in a marriage partner.”8 Thus,Evolutionary Psychologists believe that the evidence shows that male preference for young females and female preference for high-status males are adaptations.


    I’ve belabored the distinction between a hypothesis about what people prefer and a hypothesis about why people have those preferences because it helps clarify two different ways in which Evolutionary Psychology’s hypotheses about mate preferences can be questioned. On the one hand, one could ask: How good is the evidence that male preference for youth and female preference for high status are adaptations? That is, how good is the evidence for Evolutionary Psychology’s claims about why people have these preferences? A number of critics of Evolutionary Psychology have asked this question and answered it in the negative, arguing that Evolutionary Psychology falls far short of providing convincing evidence that these preferences are adaptations. Indeed, this is the line of argument that Gould consistently urges against Evolutionary Psychology. According to this line of argument, selection isn’t the only explanation for the existence of these preferences, so merely finding the preferences doesn’t confirm that they are adaptations, since it doesn’t rule out nonadaptationist explanations of the preferences.


    But this line of argument presupposes that Evolutionary Psychologists have provided convincing evidence that males indeed prefer youth and that females indeed prefer high status. So, on the other hand, one could ask: How good is the evidence that males prefer females of peak reproductive potential and females prefer high-status males? That is, how good is the evidence about what people prefer in mates? I believe that this question has not received the attention it deserves, and it will be the focus of the sections to follow. I will argue that there is no convincing evidence for either hypothesized universal mate preference.


    Before turning to these arguments, however, a comment is in order on the notion of universality. We have already discussed some of the complexities of this notion in Evolutionary Psychology, and we have seen that when Evolutionary Psychologists use the term “universal” they are implicitly referring to a developmental program shared by all “normal” human beings, not to manifest or observable preferences, beliefs, attitudes, or behavīors. So, if push came to shove, Evolutionary Psychologists would admit that their claims regarding mate preferences do not mean that

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    each and every human male prefers young women and that each and every female prefers high-status men. It is always possible that certain individuals have unusual developmental experiences and end up not possessing the predicted preferences. But, if there is a truly universal developmental program that has been designed by selection to reliably produce a preference for young females in men and a preference for high-status males in women, that developmental program should produce those preferences across a very wide range of conditions. Thus, Evolutionary Psychologists would maintain, to say that those preferences are “universal” means that they are observable in all cultures, all historical periods, all economic or political systems, all social classes, all religious groups, all “races” or ethnicities, and all relevant ages of the life cycle. It is this more restricted sense of “universal”that is operative when Buss claims that female preference for highstatus,resource-holding mates is universal. As Buss says, “women across all continents, all political systems (including socialism and communism), all racial groups, all religious groups, and all systems of mating (from intense polygyny to presumptive monogamy) place more value than men on good
    financial prospects.”9


    I will argue that, even in this more restricted sense of “universal,” the data on human mate preferences fail to provide convincing support for claims of a universal male preference for youth and a universal female preference for high status. Indeed, I will argue, the mate preferences in which Evolutionary Psychologists are interested tend to vary with age and social class, among other things. If this is right, then something is wrong with the hypotheses about human evolution from which Evolutionary Psychology derives its claims about mate preferences. Let’s turn now to the evidence for Evolutionary Psychology’s core mate-preference hypotheses,
    focusing on the studies that are standardly cited in support of those hypotheses.


    Men Seeking Women


    In collaboration with a bevy of social psychologists from around the world,David Buss gathered survey data about mate preferences from 4,601 men and 5,446 women (a total of 10,047 subjects), who comprised thirty-seven survey samples from thirty-three countries located on six continents and five islands. The sheer scale of this study is remarkable, and the study has become an exemplar of empirical research in Evolutionary Psychology.


    Among other things, Buss’s survey asked subjects to give the age at which they’d prefer to marry, and he found that, on average, males preferred to

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    marry at 27.49 years of age. He also asked subjects to give the preferred age of their mates relative to their own ages. So males were asked to state how much younger or older than themselves their ideal mate would be.He found that in every one of the thirty-seven samples males indicated a preference for younger mates, with average preferences ranging from 0.38 to 7.38 years younger. Pooling all the samples, Buss found that, on average,males preferred a mate who was 2.66 years younger. “By subtracting the mean age difference preferred between males and their mates (2.66 years)from the age at which males prefer to marry (27.49 years), it can be inferred that males in these samples prefer to marry females who are approximately 24.83 years old. This age preference is closer to peak female fertility than to peak reproductive value.”10


    Without splitting hairs about peak fertility versus peak reproductive value (or peak reproductive potential, which incorporates both), an average preferred age of 24.83 years is clearly near the height of female reproductive potential. Given the large cross-cultural scale of Buss’s study, this appears to show that male preference for females with high reproductive potential is universal. And this, in turn, appears to confirm the hypothesis that selection has designed male mate preferences to be highly sensitive to female reproductive potential.


    As Buss recognizes, however, males may indicate preferences on a survey questionnaire that don’t accord with the actual decisions they make in choosing a mate. In addition, offspring are produced not by preferences for mates with certain qualities, but by actual matings. Consequently,selection cannot have acted on male preferences unless males throughout human evolutionary history actually mated in accordance with their preferences. In particular, a preference for fertile young women could not increase in frequency in a population unless there was a strong correlation between that preference and actually mating with fertile young women.
    Thus, there can’t have been past selection for a male preference for young women unless males with that preference actually produced more offspring,by actually mating with fertile young women, than did males with alternative preferences.


    To confirm that the preferences for young women that males reported on his questionnaire are (and presumably were in our evolutionary history)reflected in actual mating behavīor, Buss compared the age-preference data with the actual ages at marriage of men and women in thirty of his thirtyseven samples. He found that the average age at marriage was 28.2 years for males and 25.3 years for females, only slightly higher than males’ preferred ages of 27.49 years and 24.83 years respectively.

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    Of course, it takes two to mate. So, while males may prefer mates who are 24.83 years old, females have their own preferences, and females expressed a preference to marry at 25.4 years to a man of 28.8 years. Thus,the discrepancy between males’ preferred ages of self and spouse at marriage and the actual ages at marriage appears to be a product of compromise with female preference. Indeed, Evolutionary Psychologists argue, we should expect all actual mating decisions and behavīors to differ from the preferences of both sexes, since the preferences of the sexes will typically differ; and, when preferences of the mating parties differ, actual mating
    decisions and behavīors will reflect a compromise between the preferences.Despite the expected compromise, however, the actual average age of women at marriage is very close to the male preference, so male preferences for young women do indeed appear to be reflected in actual mating behavīor. Therefore, Buss concludes, the preference data together with the marriage data provide strong “support for the evolution-based hypothesis that males both prefer and choose females displaying cues to high reproductive capacity.”11


    But Buss’s analyzed data do not clearly confirm this hypothesis. Buss’s analysis of his preference data consists in subtracting the average preferred age difference between male respondents and their female mates (2.66 years) from the average age at which his male respondents said they preferred to marry (27.49 years). Since the average age of his male respondents was 23.49 years, this shows only that young men say that they prefer to marry relatively younger women and to do so at a fairly young age. As Buss recognizes, what males say they want in a mate stands in need of a validity check, which his analysis of his marriage data purportedly provides. But
    Buss’s analysis of his marriage data consists only of comparing the average age of males at marriage (28.2 years) with the average age of females at marriage (25.3 years). While this does show that on average males marry fairly young women, it also shows that on average the males marrying them are themselves young—only 2.9 years older than their brides.


    If males both prefer and choose young women as mates, however, this preference should be present across the male life cycle. Older males should exhibit a preference for young women just as young males do. Since Buss’s analysis employs only the averages from his samples, it doesn’t show that older males prefer and choose young women as mates. The mate preferences of older males disappear into the averages, and the averages present a profile of the mate preferences of relatively young males. But, to confirm that males have an evolved preference for young women, it is not enough to show that young men prefer young women.

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    The reason is that there is a large body of sociological evidence that shows the most robust mate-choice phenomenon to be what social scientists call homogamy. Homogamy is the tendency for people to mate with those similar in race or ethnic background, age, socioeconomic status,educational background, and religious orientation. Homogamy is a form of what biologists call assortative mating, which is preferential mating with other organisms with like phenotype(s). In the case of homogamy,mating is assortative with respect to social characteristics rather than
    morphological or behavīoral phenotypes. And a very recent large-scale study of mating in the United States, conducted by the sociologist Edward Laumann and his colleagues, found that similarity in age is even more important in mate choice than similarity in religious orientation.


    But why should age similarity be important in mating? The Evolutionary Psychologists Douglas Kenrick and Richard Keefe argue that there may have been selection for assortative mating by age in our evolutionary past.“Extended interactions over long periods between mates would have been easier if the partners had similar expectations, values, activity levels, and habits. A preference for similarity in age, all else being equal, would have made the long-term cooperation of mates more feasible and thus adaptive.. . . Thus, humans may have evolved with a preference for similar mates,including similarly aged mates, because of the advantage to parenting effort this would have contributed.”12 This simple hypothesis of age homogamy—that human mating is assortative by age—appears sufficient to explain Buss’s finding that young men prefer young women.


    Of course, assortative mating by age doesn’t explain why Buss found a consistent age difference in both his preference data and his marriage data.If people merely seek similarly aged mates, in a very large sample such as Buss’s we should expect the average male preference to be for similarly aged mates (rather than for mates 2.66 years younger) and the average age difference between spouses at marriage to be close to zero (rather than 2.9 years). Why do males consistently prefer and mate with younger women, while women prefer and mate with older men? According to Buss, this age difference reflects the fact that men seek young women as mates, because
    of their reproductive capacity, and women seek older men as mates,because older men tend to have greater resources than younger men. Thus,the consistent age difference between mates appears to tell in favor of the hypothesis that males have an evolved preference for young women and against the hypothesis of age homogamy.


    But, if Buss is right, why should the average age difference be as small as it is? Why shouldn’t twenty-eight-year-old males on average prefer

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    twenty-year-old females, who have greater reproductive potential than twenty-five-year-old females? Similarly, why shouldn’t twenty-two-yearold females prefer thirty-five-year-old males, since they tend to have greater resources than twenty-five-year-old males (whom they actually prefer), yet still have a fairly long life ahead of them in which to provide resources for a female and her offspring? Age similarity does seem to be a factor in mate choice. Perhaps some variation on the hypothesis of age homogamy would account for the age difference that Buss found, while providing a better explanation of Buss’s data than the hypothesis that males simply have an evolved preference for young women.


    Consider the following variation on the hypothesis of age homogamy.Let’s begin by supposing that selection favored assortative mating by similar age for the reasons that Kenrick and Keefe suggest (although, in chapter 6, I will present reasons for thinking that this preference was driven by sexual selection rather than natural selection). We need now to explain why, within this general constraint of age similarity, there should be a consistent age difference of just a few years between mates. The zoologist Janet Leonard suggests that this relatively small average age difference between mates is due partly to the fact that human males achieve reproductive maturity later than females. In fact, males lag behind females in reaching puberty and full adult growth by two years, on average. In addition, she argues, because competition among males for mates is slightly greater than competition among females, males require more time than females after reaching physiological maturity to hone their competitive skills and become successful at acquiring mates. This would further increase the age difference between mates. So, if humans paired up strictly as a function of similar age (for the reasons Kenrick and Keefe suggest), but offset similarity in age by sex differences in the achievement of reproductive maturity (for the reasons Leonard suggests), males would be a few years older, on average, than the females with whom they pair. And this corresponds closely with the average age difference Buss found in his marriage data.


    This age difference could be the result of evolution’s having equipped males with a simple preference for females who are a little younger and females with a simple preference for males who are a little older. These preferences could have been adaptive in our evolutionary past by helping to ensure matings between individuals of comparable reproductive maturity at the point in life at which reproduction typically began, which in turn helped ensure extended cooperation in providing parental care.


    Let’s call this alternative hypothesis the hypothesis of adjusted age homogamy. Like Buss’s hypothesis, this hypothesis makes a prediction

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    about mate preferences and provides an evolutionary explanation of those preferences. The hypothesis of adjusted age homogamy predicts that males and females both prefer similarly aged mates, but that the preferred ages are adjusted for sex differences in age at reproductive maturation. This entails that males prefer females who are a few years younger than themselves and that females prefer males who are a few years older. This hypothesis thus explains why Buss found that males prefer and mate with females who are a few years younger. More interestingly, however, it also explains why age similarity—albeit adjusted age similarity—would be such a robust effect in human mating.


    We have, then, two hypotheses to consider. One is Evolutionary Psychology’s
    hypothesis that males have an evolved preference for young women because young women have the greatest reproductive potential.The other is the hypothesis of adjusted age homogamy, according to which males have an evolved preference for females who are, on average,a few years younger than themselves. These hypotheses make competing predictions regarding the preferences of forty- or fifty-year-old males.Evolutionary Psychology’s hypothesis predicts that males of all ages should
    prefer—and, when possible, mate with—women in their early twenties.The hypothesis of adjusted age homogamy, on the other hand, predicts that forty-year-old males should prefer women in their late thirties, while fifty-year-old males should prefer women in their late forties. Both hypotheses, however, predict that males in their late twenties should prefer mates in their early midtwenties. Buss’s finding that marriages occur between twenty-eight-year-old males and twenty-five-year-old females, on average, and that this accords closely with the stated preferences of young males, is actually compatible with both hypotheses. Thus, Buss’s findings
    don’t actually confirm Evolutionary Psychology’s hypothesis, since they don’t rule out the competing hypothesis of adjusted age homogamy.But Kenrick and Keefe conducted a study that does appear to show that males do, indeed, have a preference for young women, not simply for slightly younger women. Rather than averaging the ages at marriage of all the subjects in their samples, Kenrick and Keefe examined the average age differences between spouses at marriage for separate age groups—for individuals who married in their teens, twenties, thirties, forties, fifties,and sixties.


    Kenrick and Keefe expected that age similarity would be a large factor in mate choice, for the reasons already discussed, but expected that males would also prefer females of peak reproductive potential. Consequently,they hypothesized that males weigh both age similarity and reproductive

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    potential in mate choice, with the result that actual choices of mate strike
    a balance between the two potentially competing considerations.


    This has some interesting implications. For a male in his twenties, like
    Buss’s average respondent, similarly aged females are also those near their
    peak reproductive potential, so males in their twenties should prefer
    females in their early twenties. But, as males age, similarly aged females
    are increasingly further from their peak reproductive potential, so older
    males must trade off the increasingly competing considerations of age
    similarity and reproductive potential. Thus, Kenrick and Keefe predicted,
    “whereas aging males should prefer progressively older women (because of
    similarity), they should also prefer women progressively younger than
    themselves (to maximize reproductive opportunities).”13 That is, as males
    get older, the average age difference at marriage between self and spouse
    should gradually increase. While the age difference at marriage should be
    relatively small for males in their twenties, it should be fairly large for older
    males, who must choose females no older than their forties in order to
    have mates with some remaining, albeit small, reproductive potential.
    Kenrick and Keefe examined all the marriages that took place in Seattle
    in January 1986 and a sample of those in Phoenix in January and May
    1986. To ensure that their results would not simply be an artifact of 1980s
    America, they also examined a sample of one hundred marriages in
    Phoenix in 1923. And to further ensure that these combined results would
    not simply be an artifact of American culture, they examined all marriages
    on the Philippine island of Poro between 1913 and 1939.


    Kenrick and Keefe found the same pattern in all their samples. The 1986
    samples were virtually identical. In these samples, on average, males who
    married in their twenties married females a year or so younger; males in
    their thirties married females a few years younger; males in their forties
    married females about six years younger; males in their fifties married
    females about nine years younger; and males in their sixties married
    females about ten years younger. The sample of Phoenix marriages in 1923
    showed the same pattern for males in their twenties and thirties, but there
    were even greater age differences between older males and their spouses.
    In 1923 Phoenix, males in their forties married females about thirteen
    years younger, and the age difference between spouses increased a year for
    each decade of male age after that. Finally, in Poro, on average, males in
    their twenties married females three years younger; males in their thirties
    married females about nine years younger; males in their forties married
    females about twelve years younger; males in their fifties married females

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    fifteen years younger; and males in their sixties married females a full
    twenty years younger.


    Although these data appear to provide straightforward confirmation of
    Kenrick and Keefe’s hypothesis that males weigh both age similarity and
    reproductive potential in selecting a mate, thus striking a balance between
    the two considerations, things are not quite that simple. First, as the
    psychologist Kim Wallen points out, the principal period of fecundity for
    women is between the ages of twenty and forty, and the average age of
    menopause is fifty. But the data show older males, on average, marrying
    women who are past the period of principal fecundity and much older
    males marrying women who are in their postreproductive years or very
    nearly so. If reproductive potential is a significant factor in male mate
    choice at all, regardless of the male’s age we should not find males marrying
    women who are at or very near the end of their reproductive careers.


    Of course, males aren’t the only ones doing the choosing. It may be that
    males in their late fifties and older are unable, for the most part, to attract
    and marry women with significant remaining reproductive potential. So
    the fact that older males marry women with little or no reproductive
    potential could simply be a result of compromise in the mating market.
    Perhaps older men would rather marry significantly younger women, but
    they can’t, so they settle for women who are postmenopausal or very
    nearly so.


    But Kenrick and Keefe also gathered data from personal ads, in which
    advertisers indicated a preferred age or age range for their respondents,
    and the pattern of average preferred age differences from the ads closely
    matched the pattern of average age differences in the marriage data. As the
    age of male advertisers increased, the average age difference between them
    and their desired respondents also increased. However, although men in
    their fifties and sixties did express a preference for much younger women,
    on average, the ages they preferred still fell near the end of or beyond female
    reproductive potential. So, on average, older males not only marry women
    who are postreproductive or nearly so, but seek them as well.


    This is not what we should expect given Kenrick and Keefe’s hypothesis.
    Even if males choose mates by weighing both age similarity and reproductive
    potential, when a potential mate has little or no reproductive
    potential, age similarity should count for little or nothing in mate choice.
    For, by Kenrick and Keefe’s account, age similarity factors into male
    mate choice only because it facilitates extended cooperation in providing
    parental care. But, if a postreproductive mate is chosen, there will be no

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    offspring for whom to provide parental care. So a preference for age similarity
    can facilitate parental cooperation only if it plays second fiddle to
    the preference for reproductive potential. However, Kenrick and Keefe’s
    marriage data and preference data appear to show that a preference for age
    similarity among older males virtually trumps any preference for reproductive
    potential.


    A second problem is that the samples of marriages of males in their fifties
    and sixties consist almost entirely of males who are remarrying, as Kenrick
    and Keefe acknowledge. Evolutionary Psychologists argue that it is enlightening
    to examine the choices that males of those age groups make when they are seeking new mates. But their mating decisions present only a partial picture of the mating decisions of males in those age groups.


    Consider the fact that the National Marriage Project of 2000 found that
    40 to 50 percent of all marriages end in divorce. Suppose we adopt the
    extreme estimate that 50 percent of marriages end in divorce. Some of
    these divorces are attributable to serial marriers (or serial divorcers, depending
    on whether you’re a romantic or not), for whom two out of three, three
    out of four, or even seven out of eight marriages end in divorce. So, even
    if as many as 50 percent of all marriages end in divorce, it is not the case
    that 50 percent of all those who marry end up getting divorced. At least
    50 percent of all men who marry do not get divorced, hence never remarry,
    so about half of all men in their fifties and sixties have decided to remain
    married. Since this half will have married much earlier in life, by Kenrick
    and Keefe’s own data, their wives will be relatively close to their own ages.
    The divorce data, and independent data about the frequency of infidelity,
    however, shows that married people frequently have the option of taking
    up with a new mate. So, these males are making genuine choices to remain
    married, since they always have the option of divorcing and looking for a
    new mate. Remaining married is actually a continual choice of one’s spouse
    over others. Thus, half the older male population is choosing to remain in
    mateships with women who are no longer capable of bearing children. A
    hypothesis about male mate preferences can’t be tested exclusively on the
    males who choose to remarry after fifty. The choices of males who remain
    in mateships with no reproductive potential have to be considered as well.


    Third, Kenrick and Keefe’s analysis of the data suffers from a problem
    that plagues Buss’s analysis as well. They base their analysis entirely on the
    averages in their samples and ignore the variation. But, as Kenrick and Keefe
    admit: “Individual subjects showed wide variation in their preferences,
    however, and in their choice of marriage partners. There were older men
    who sought, and others who married, women their own age.”14

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    Kenrick and Keefe don’t report the variation in their data, but the
    evolutionary psychologist Karl Grammer reconstructed the variation from
    their personal-ad data. Grammer found the variation to be much higher
    than one would expect if males prefer mates with high reproductive potential.
    Consider a couple of examples. Among 53-year-old males, preferences
    for mate age ranged from 35 to 57, and among 56-year-old males they
    ranged from 46 to 52. The marriage data undoubtedly exhibit similar
    ranges, although they aren’t reported by Kenrick and Keefe. This means,
    however, that a significant number of males in their fifties and sixties both
    prefer and choose postreproductive women as mates. And this doesn’t
    conform to Kenrick and Keefe’s predictions.


    Apart from these specific problems with Kenrick and Keefe’s hypothesis,
    there is a general reason why it’s problematic to test hypotheses about mate
    preferences against sample averages alone, as both Buss and Kenrick and
    Keefe do. As we saw in chapter 1, variation is not only the fuel on which
    selection burns, but is itself often produced and maintained by selection.
    As a consequence, patterns of variation can be highly significant, because
    they can indicate that different, possibly frequency-dependent, strategies
    are being pursued. To put this another way, Evolutionary Psychologists
    assume that each hypothesis about past selection entails a prediction about
    a single adaptation that evolved in response to it. As a result, Evolutionary
    Psychologists tend to focus only on the sample average to see whether
    it conforms to the phenotypic value they derive from their hypothesis
    about past selection. But hypotheses about past selection can entail the
    coexistence of multiple adaptive phenotypes in a population. In such cases,
    phenotypic values in a population may be bimodally (or trimodally) distributed.
    Such distributions, however, are concealed when only sample
    averages are calculated. So, rather than collapsing variation inside sample
    averages, we should always ask whether there is a potential explanation of
    the variation itself.


    There is not sufficient data at this point to strongly confirm any hypotheses
    about the precise nature and source of variation in male preferences
    regarding age differences between themselves and their mates. But there is
    sufficient data to suggest a possibility. Let’s review a few of the relevant
    facts.


    First, even if we focus only on the average age differences between males
    and their mates, we find that older males, on average, both prefer and mate
    with females who are very near or at the end of their reproductive careers.
    So, if males are weighing both age similarity and reproductive potential
    in choosing their mates, they are placing too great a weight on age

    219

    similarity if they are still looking to reproduce. Second, when we consider
    the variation in the data, rather than just the averages, we find that many
    older males both prefer and choose postmenopausal females as mates.
    Third, the older males in Kenrick and Keefe’s preference data and marriage
    data are either on the market for mates or remarrying, respectively. This
    group fails to represent that larger portion of older males who have chosen
    to remain in mateships with postreproductive females.


    When these facts are considered together, they seem to call into question
    Evolutionary Psychology’s standard depiction of the mating life of the
    human male. Evolutionary Psychologists typically focus only on the fact
    that a female’s reproductive career is limited by menopause while a male
    can, theoretically, produce offspring well into old age. This focus portrays
    males throughout the life cycle as virile and sexually heroic.


    Although it is, indeed, possible for most males to sire offspring even into
    old age, the fact is that precious few males do sire offspring in old age,
    even in hunter-gatherer populations. A fertility study of the !Kung of the
    Kalahari Desert showed that male fertility peaks at thirty, declines slightly
    to the age of forty, then declines rapidly. Although 25 percent of all individuals
    born survive to age sixty, fifty-year-old males have only about a 3
    percent chance of siring an offspring, and by age fifty-five male fertility
    drops to zero. In addition, a British fertility study of 8,515 couples found
    that males over thirty-five were half as likely as males under twenty-five
    to impregnate their partners within twelve months, even after the study
    controlled for their partners’ age and health. Moreover, male sex drive
    peaks in the twenties, then declines continually throughout the rest of life.
    Accompanying this decline in sex drive is a reduction in the size of the
    testes, a reduction in the volume and force of ejaculation, and a significant
    reduction in the number of motile sperm in an ejaculate. The above
    facts hardly paint a picture of a well-oiled sex machine designed to impregnate
    females even on a deathbed. There is a very real degradation in male
    sexual function beginning in middle age and continuing throughout the
    latter part of the life cycle. Might this change be accompanied by a shift
    in male reproductive effort?


    Reproductive effort refers to the allocation of physiological resources
    among the component demands of survival and reproduction. It is
    expended throughout the life cycle and includes factors such as growth.
    For our purposes, we can consider just the strategic allocation of resources
    between mating effort and parenting effort. Mating effort, of course, is effort
    expended to mate. An organism that mates indiscriminately and invests
    nothing in the spawn of its matings allocates all of its reproductive effort

    220

    to mating effort. In contrast, an organism that mates only until offspring
    are produced, then forgoes any further mating in order to invest itself fully
    in caring for its offspring, allocates part of its reproductive effort to mating
    effort and the majority to parenting effort.


    Parenting effort, recall, is essential to reproductive success. For, if one’s
    children fail to reproduce, one has hit a genetic dead end just as surely as
    if one failed to have children. Reproductive success requires providing care
    and resources for one’s children in an effort to ensure that they in turn
    reproduce. But it’s just as important that one’s grandchildren and greatgrandchildren reproduce as well, for precisely the same reasons. So, wherever selection favors parental investment, it should also, and for the same
    reasons, favor some investment in one’s remoter descendants in an effort
    to help ensure their survival and reproduction. Of course, life is limited,
    and in humans the opportunity to invest in descendants is typically
    limited to grandchildren. Since the lifespan is long enough to overlap with
    the lives of one’s grandchildren, however, there is an opportunity to allocate
    some reproductive effort to grandparenting effort—to caring or providing
    resources for, or aiding one’s children in caring or providing resources
    for, one’s grandchildren.


    The anthropologist Kristen Hawkes and her colleagues have found that,
    through caring and providing resources for their daughters and their
    daughters’ children, grandmothers can promote their reproductive success
    more than if they were to have more offspring themselves. By providing
    care and resources to her daughter and her daughter’s children, a grandmother
    enables her daughter to resume childbearing more quickly than
    she would if she had to care for herself and her children on her own. And
    the number of additional children this enables the daughter to produce
    exceeds the number of children the grandmother would be able to produce
    and successfully care for were she to continue having offspring of her own.
    In other words, even if postmenopausal women could still have children,
    they would nonetheless increase their expected genetic contribution to
    future generations more through grandparenting effort than through continued
    mating effort.


    No one has studied grandfathering to a fraction of the extent that
    Hawkes and her colleagues have studied grandmothering. But the psychologists
    Harald Euler and Barbara Weitzel did a study of grandparental
    investment in Germany. Euler and Weitzel asked adult subjects to indicate
    on a seven-point scale, ranging from 1 (not at all) to 7 (very much), how
    much each of their grandparents had provided care for them up to the age
    of seven years. Euler and Weitzel were primarily interested in whether

    221

    paternity uncertainty affected the degree of grandparental investment.
    They reasoned that the father’s parents should invest less than the mother’s
    parents because of the possibility of mistaken paternity. They also reasoned
    that grandfathers should invest less than grandmothers because of their
    own possibly mistaken paternity of their putative children. As a consequence,
    they claimed, paternal grandfathers should invest the least of all
    due to the possibility of two counts of mistaken paternity. Euler and
    Weitzel did find that maternal grandmothers invested more than maternal
    grandfathers, that paternal grandmothers invested more than paternal
    grandfathers, and that the maternal grandfather invested more than the
    paternal grandmother. These patterns seem to support their hypothesis
    that paternity uncertainty affects grandparental investment.


    What is most interesting for our purposes, however, is their finding that
    grandfathers were rated as significantly investing in their grandchildren.
    The average rating of investment by maternal grandmothers was 5.09,
    whereas the average rating of investment by maternal grandfathers was
    4.51. Similarly, the average rating of investment by paternal grandmothers
    was 4.20, whereas the average rating of investment by paternal grandfathers
    was 3.80. Clearly, grandmothers were more investing than grandfathers.
    However, the difference between grandmothers’ averages and
    grandfathers’ averages is not very large. And this is not simply an artifact
    of grandfathers’ being pressed into service by nagging grandmothers,
    for the average investment rating of widowed grandfathers was still fairly
    high. Widowed maternal grandfathers got an average rating of 4.17,
    and widowed paternal grandfathers got an average rating of 3.89. Thus,
    although grandmothers are clearly more investing than grandfathers, there
    is still evidence of significant grandparenting effort on the part of older
    males, especially on the part of fathers of daughters with children.


    This at least raises the possibility that, like grandmothers, though to a
    lesser extent, grandfathers can enhance their reproductive success through
    grandparenting effort. This could be the case if the rate of return on grandparenting effort exceeded the rate of return on continued mating effort.
    This seems possible given the decline in sexual function in older males and
    the fact that most older males are simply not as attractive as younger men
    to young women (so they cannot compete as successfully for matings with
    young fertile women). So, for most older males, continued mating effort
    would likely not pay. Further, since the rate of return on joint grandparenting
    effort would be greater than that on single grandparenting effort,
    it might pay older males to remain in mateships with their postmenopausal

    222

  • Religious Love at the Interface with Science

    2007-4-08

     
    Religious Love at the Interface with Science
    Thomas Jay Oord


    This book turns now from scientific studies and the narrative of human altruism to the dialogue among science, religion, and metaphysics.A growing number of scholars are not satisfied with this “either science or love” question.A field of interest and body of work are emerging based on the belief that theories of love, especially religious love, must take into account truths from scientific investigation and speculation in scientific theory. Exactly how scholars involved in this emerging discipline believe love and science should be related and/or integrated varies greatly. What those in this budding field share in common, however, is the belief that issues of love are of paramount importance and that the findings and theories in various scientific disciplines—whether social or natural—must be brought to bear upon how love is understood.


    This annotated bibliography includes a variety of literature either directly related to science-and-love issues or supporting literature for those issues. This listing is by no means exhaustive, for such a list would be endless. Instead, it attempts to be representative of the works available.


    What makes this annotated bibliography unique is that it approaches the love-and-science discussion from the perspective of religion. This means neither that all of the books listed are of a specific religious nature nor that these authors consider themselves religious, although most books and authors do reflect a religious orientation. Rather, these works should be considered especially significant for those who wish to address the love-and-science field from a decidedly religious perspective.


    A cursory glance at the literature reveals that various classical expositions of love continue to influence contemporary scholars. For instance, Plato’s work on eros, especially in his Symposium, provides material with which contemporaries still reckon. The work and words of Jesus Christ, Aristotle, St. Paul, Mo-

    215

    Tzu, Augustine of Hippo, Thomas Aquinas, Guatama, Dionysius, St. Francis of Assisi, Martin Luther, John Wesley, Jonathan Edwards, Sri Ramakrishna, Soren Kierkegaard, and Gandhi also exert influence upon contemporary minds.


    The contemporary discussion of love in the West, however, was initiated by Anders Nygren’s theological arguments in his classic Agape and Eros (1957[1930]). Nygren championed a view heavily influenced by Martin Luther’s theology,and he believed this view to be supported by Christian scrīpture. Prominent among those in the mid-twentieth century who reacted to his arguments were Martin C. D’Arcy, Reinhold Niebuhr, Paul Tillich, and Daniel Day Williams. Today, many scholars proffering a theology of love still engage Nygren’s ideas.


    Nygren and his respondents rarely if ever explicitly addressed how science affects or is affected by the issues of love. Sociologist Pitirim Sorokin is credited with authoring the classic work in the love-and-science discussion. In his midtwentieth century tome, The Ways and Power of Love, Sorokin considers seven aspects of love, including its religious, ethical, ontological, physical, biological,psychological, and social aspects. While the book often cites spiritual and religious figures and ideas, the majority of the author’s interests revolve around love’s psychological and social aspects. In his latter years, Sorokin established the Harvard Research Center for Creative Altruism because of his convictions about the power and importance of love.


    A major issue at the heart of the love-and-science field—and an issue that emerges often in the discussion—is the question of the nature and definition of love itself. Love is, as Mildred Bangs Wynkoop has said, a notoriously ambiguous “weasel word.” “Love” in the English language conveys meanings that other languages employ a variety of words to convey. In addition, when some use “love,” they mean for it to be taken exclusively as an unqualified good. This use derives from Hebrew heritage, and it might be called the “hesed love tradition” (hesed is a Hebrew word often translated “steadfast love”). Others use “love” to refer to either good or bad actions; this usage arises out of what might be called the “virtue and vice love tradition.” In this latter tradition, one adds a qualifier to love such as “proper” or “appropriate” when referring to an unconditional good.


    Not only is the definition of love up for debate, but a great deal of discussion arises about which type of love is best, most appropriate, or most valuable.In this deliberation, three classic Greek words, what might be called the “archetypes of love,” take center stage: agape, eros, and philia.

    Nygren’s claims about the superiority of agape kicked off a modern debate about the meaning and legitimacy of the archetypes. Scholars of the Christian canon have convinced most today, however, that Nygren’s claim to have grounded his agape convictions in scrīpture reflect his own theological orientation to a greater extent than what the biblical text actually supports.Many have

    216

     

     

  • MY FAVOUR

    2007-4-06

    NEW SOP


     

    豆瓣科学心理学小组

    心理学进取之路

    日本心理协会

    美国心理学学会  世界最大的心理学专业组织

    心理科学协会(美国心理协会) 世界最大的科学心理学组织

    美国社会与人格心理协会 世界最大的社会与人格心理学组织

    美国自杀学协会

    美国精神病协会

    美国咨询协会

    英国咨询和心理治疗协会(BAC前身)

    今日英国心理咨询专业化影响最大的机构BACP,2000年9月成立,

    其前身英国咨询协会(British Association for Counselling,简称BAC,1 976年成立)。

    美国婚姻和家庭治疗协会

    英国心理学协会


  • 推荐

    2007-4-03

    进化心理学

    《新的综合--社会生物学》E.O.Wilson
    《自私的基因》
    《物种起源》
    《人类的由来》
    《人与动物的感情》
    《精子战争》
    《婴儿战争》
    《蚂蚁与孔雀》
    《性的历史》
    《人类动机》
    《裸猿》
    《进化心理学》 朱新坪  上海教育出版社
    《性现象--关于性别的“小”差异》[德]海因里希.灿克尔 商务印书馆 7100032164/R6 2001年6月

    女性心理学

    《女性心理学》
    《外遇中的女人》
    《中国女性性调查报告》
    《海蒂性学报告--女人篇》
    《调情的艺术》 [德]布里吉特.布森克普夫 海南出版社 ISBN 7544304817/B34 F
    《中国女性的感情与性》  李银河 中国友谊出版公司 ISBN 7505717855/I467 F
    《午夜性心情》 舒馨 时代文艺出版社 ISBN 753871880X/I1766 F
    《亲密关系》莎伦.布雷姆 F
    《情人间的嫉妒》

    性心理学

    《性法医学》
    《中国女性性调查报告》
    《海蒂性学报告 3卷》
    《中国生殖健康咨询热线实录》 上海三联书店 上海生殖健康指导中心
    《人类的性存在》 珍妮特.S.海德 上海社会科学院出版社

    咨询心理学


    《心理咨询导论》上海社会科学出版社
    《心理咨询的技巧和策略》上海社会科学出版社
    《团体咨询的理论和实践》上海社会科学出版社
    《谈话疗法:东西方心理治疗的历史》(美)彼得·班克特 上海社会科学院出版社 ISBN:7806818340
    《临床心理学—概念、方法和职业 第六版》Timothy J. Trull,E.Jerry Phares 轻工业出版社
    《变态心理学与心理治疗(第3版)》(美)霍克西玛(Hoeksema,S.N.) 著 世界图书出版公司 ISBN:7506285858
    《心理测验与常用量表》 陈国鹏 上海科学普及出版社 ISBN 7542727486/R299

    补充:
    《如何成为心理治疗师》John Karter 上海社会科学出版社

    心理学 初级

    《与众不同的心理学》、
    《心理学与生活》
    《心理学批判性思维》
    《心理学导论:思想与行为的认识之路(第9版)》 [美]库恩 中国轻工业出版社 ISBN:7501928339
     
    补充:《心理学导论(第三版)》[美]海斯 电子工业出版社 ISBN:7121001276 

    心理学 进阶

    《当代心理学导引 第7版》、
    《变态心理学 第九版》Lauren B. Alloy,John H. Riskind,Margaret J.Manos 上海社会科学出版社
    《心理学史导论 第四版》 B.R赫根汉 华东师范大学
    《人格心理学 第六版》p218 Jerry M. Burger 陈会昌
    《社会心理学 第8版》David G. Myers 人民邮电出版社 ISBN 711513880X
    《心理学的邀请 第3版》
    《心理学:探索人类的心灵》斯滕伯格(Sternberg,R,J)  江苏教育出版社  ISBN 7534349486

    心理学 高级

    《实验心理学:掌握心理学的研究》华东师范大学出版社 ISBN 7561724284 Kantowitz.B.H
    《人格科学》L.A.珀文 华东师范大学出版 2001年8月版
    《人格心理学--人性极其差异的研究》郭永玉
    《临床心理学—概念、方法和职业 第六版》Timothy J. Trull,E.Jerry Phares 轻工业出版社
    《人格手册:理论与研究(第2版)》 Lawrence A. Pervin
    《变态心理学与心理治疗(第3版)》(美)霍克西玛(Hoeksema,S.N.) 著 世界图书出版公司 ISBN:7506285858
    《心理测验原理和应用》 上海社会科学院出版社

    其他:

    《改变心理学的40项研究 影印版》(美)霍克(Hock,R.R.)中国轻工业出版社 ISBN:7501946124
    《说谎心理学》Aldert Vriji 中国轻工业出版社






     

  • 论心理学的理论研究和实证研究

    2007-4-03

      2005 年8 月      学 术 交 流       Aug. , 2005
    总第137 期 第8 期     Academic Exchange       Serial No. 137  No. 8


    论心理学的理论研究和实证研究
    宋六锁
    (三门峡职业技术学院,河南三门峡472000)


    [摘 要]尽管心理学作为一门独立的学科已有百余年的历史,然而,大多数心理学研究者往往只重视一种研究方法,要么重视理论研究,要么重视实证研究,从而导致了心理学的破碎和分裂。其实,这两种研究方式本来是并行不悖、相得益彰的心理学求知通道。理论研究为实证研究提供了理论指导,实证研究为理论研究提供了材料。一切实证研究都是以一定的理论假设为基础,而心理学的理论假设的构建又必须建立在一定的事实基础之上。理论研究与实证研究相辅相成,加强二者的结合,才能使心理学得到全面科学的发展。


    [关键词] 心理学;理论研究;实证研究
    [中图分类号]B84  [文献标识码]A  [文章编号]1000 - 8284 (2005) 08 - 0025 - 03


    纵观心理学史,我们知道,科学心理学的诞生和发展是随着研究方法的变化而变化、发展而发展的,并且研究的重点和中心也不同。在哲学心理学时期,由于各种条件的不成熟,我们采用的是思辨的研究方法,主要进行理论探索。研究的重点是心理学的方法论、性质等心理学的元理论问题。科学心理学诞生以后,实证主义对心理学的研究产生重大的影响,心理学的研究主要以实验的方法为主,研究的重点也随之发生了较大的转变,研究的主要是心理学的实体理论问题。


    尽管理论研究和实证研究在心理学的发展中都具有重要的地位和作用,然而不幸的是,大多数心理学研究者往往只重视一种研究方法,而对另外一种却置之不理。从而导致了心理学的分裂[1 ] 。究竟理论研究和实证研究在心理学的研究和发展中各处于什么位置、作用怎样呢? 本文就这一问题作以具体探讨。


    一、理论研究


    1. 理论研究的发展


    心理学的理论研究自心理学形成的萌芽阶段就产生了。在哲学心理学时期,心理学的研究者主要由哲学家来扮演,他们采用哲学的研究方法来研究心理学,即用哲学思辨的方法进行心理学的探索。这就是心理学理论研究的开始。随着科学的发展,心理学研究也不断地发展了,科学心理学诞生了。客观地说,科学心理学的研究在很大程度上沿袭了哲学心理学的研究方法(实证主义对心理学产生重大的影响以前) ,如构造主义的建立者冯特的内省法,从本质上讲就是一种理论的研究方法。还有,尽管华生的行为主义心理学主要是实证主义心理学,然而当他建立行为主义的时候,正是通过理论研究的形式提出了行为主义的观点。这样的例子在心理学的发展中举不胜举。显然,心理学史上那些为世公认的奠基人都是伟大的理论家。


    心理学科的发展不应仅仅停留在理论更迭的争论水平上,而是要求理论本身在广度和深度上都不


    [收稿日期]2005 - 04 - 15
    [作者简介]宋六锁(1962 - ) ,男,河南伊川人,三门峡职业技术学院讲师,在读硕士研究生。


    ·25 ·


    断完善、发展,要求对人类心理做出更高水平的理解。这样,理论心理学就呼之欲出[2 ] 。1967 年,“理论心理学高级研究中心”在加拿大艾伯塔大学成立,标志着理论心理学作为一个独立的研究领域开始恢复它在心理学中的合法地位,也标志着心理学的理论研究终于有了自己的家门。同时,美国著名理论心理学家库克( Koch) 在1959 - 1963 年间主持出版了六卷本的理论心理学巨著《心理学:一门科学的研究》,并在1985 年主编了《一个世纪的心理学》。这两本书使用理论探索的方法,对心理学的科学地位、心理学与其他学科的关系、心理学的方法论和一些具体的理论问题作了深入的理论分析,由此开创了心理学理论研究的新局面。


    2. 理论研究的功能


    由前面论述可知,理论心理学的研究,本质上对心理学的理论研究带来了重大的革命。理论心理学是心理学研究中的重要组成部分,不同的学科也都存在着专门从事理论研究的分支,这些理论学科区别于实验或应用学科,它们不是以观察实验等经验方法研究自然现象,而是以数学演绎和逻辑推理等非经验的思辨的方法探讨问题。事实上这些理论学科成为整个学科发展的基础。理论心理学正是这样的一种学科,它从非经验的角度通过分析、综合、归纳、类比、假设、抽象、演绎或推理等多种理论思维的方式,对心理现象进行探索,对心理学学科本身发展中的一些问题进行反思。实验心理学创立之前的哲学心理学,在某种意义上讲就是一种理论心理学,因为它是以理论思维的方式探讨人的心理现象,并试图从各种具体的心理现象背后发现人的生活的本质。但是,严格地讲,哲学心理学不能称为是理论心理学,因为理论心理学是一门科学,它有自己特定的任务、对象、方法论体系,它是心理学的一个部分而不是心理学的全部,它与实验心理学是并存的。理论心理学非经验的性质并不妨碍它对心理学的贡献。对心理学的作用主要表现为:首先,理论心理学具有提出假设或做出预测为实证心理学提供课题的功能[3 ] 。其次,理论心理学采取的逻辑分析方法,具有判断和鉴别理论真伪的功能,对理论概念的判断和鉴别,并非时时处处需要求助于实验验证,也可以采用逻辑分析的方法去判断理论概念的真伪。最后,它具有抽象和综合功能。它使心理学的概念和理论科学化、概括化。


    3. 理论研究的定位


    心理学理论研究从根本上说来是对心理学元理论的研究。它包含这样一些问题: (1) 心理学的学科问题。包括心理学的学科及研究对象的性质问题,心理学发展中的经验、教训、未来的发展趋势,心理学与哲学、生理学、物理学等自然科学与社会科学的关系,等等。此外,还有心理学研究的社会和伦理意义。(2) 方法论问题。包括心理学研究的指导思想、方法的选择、理论评价的标准、科学哲学对心理学的影响等。(3) 心理学的基本框架。包括心理学现象的分类、各学科的内在联系,沟通不同分支学科、不同心理学现象、不同理论学派之间的重大概念及框架,等等。这是最重要的问题。“心理学只有获得了紧凑的、经济的、相互关联的和一致性的知识才能被看作是一门真正的科学”[4 ] 。实体理论不同于元理论,在于它的研究对象不是心理现象或心理科学的整体,而是一些特殊的和具体的心理现象及问题。如果说,元理论的探讨主要依赖于抽象和思辨的方法,那么,实体理论的探讨则更多地依赖于逻辑推理和数学演绎的方法。


    二、实证研究


    1. 实证研究的发展


    心理学实证研究的方法,是随着哲学方法论的发展而发展的。为了追求心理学的自然科学研究模式,迅速提高其科学性,心理学从诞生之日起就以实证主义作为其方法论。在19 世纪中叶,法国哲学家孔德首创了实证主义的科学哲学。孔德继承了17 世纪以来欧洲哲学中经验主义传统,特别是贝克莱、休馍的主观经验论和牛顿的机械论哲学,他认为经验是科学知识的唯一来源,一切知识都必须建立在经验证实的基础上。行为主义心理学家华生就接受了孔德实证主义的观点,明确主张心理学是纯粹的自然科学的一个客观分支,认为心理学应该以严格的实验法和策略对行为进行研究,反对研究心理学的内部机制。马赫接受并改造了孔德的实证主义,他把实证哲学的问题归结为经验的明晰确证问题,认为实证论是一种认识论,是以澄清科学命题为己任,把科学的任务看作是对事实的概要性描述而非理解和解


    ·26 ·

    释,把人的经验看作是中立的感觉要素,我们的一切研究就是要探究这些要素的连接方式。经过马赫改造过的实证主义被斯金纳所推崇,他把孔德和马赫的实证主义和物理学家布里奇曼的操作主义相结合,主张科学的语言应该还原为通用的物理语言,心理学语言必须还原为行为术语,由此把心理学的研究推向了行为主义的极端。到后来,以维也纳学派为代表的逻辑实证主义继承了马赫的经验证实原则,承认最后的证实活动要经过对事实的观察和直接经验,认为一个命题的证实要经过一定的证实方法。尤为可贵的是,他们把证实的可能性分为经验证实的可能性和逻辑证实的可能性,这在一定程度上缓解了实证研究的极端性。赫尔和托尔曼深受逻辑实证主义的影响,从逻辑证实论的观点出发,提出了行为研究中的中介变量,加强了对心理的内部过程的探索,反映了心理学实验研究的进步。在某种意义上讲,为认知心理学的产生提供了一定的条件。总之,作为一种哲学方法论,实证主义推动了心理学自然科学化的进程,对心理学的实验研究产生了深刻的影响。我们可以这样说,从本质上讲实证主义哲学的发展就是心理学的实验研究的发展,心理学的实证研究是随着实证主义的辉煌而辉煌,衰落而衰落。从心理学的发展中我们看到,在当代,随着实证主义的衰落,理论心理学复兴了。


    2. 实证研究的功能和定位


    实证主义对心理学的影响主要通过两条方法论原则:一是经验证实原则,即强调任何概念和理论都必须以可观察的事实为基础,能为经验所验证,超出经验范围的任何理论和概念都是非科学的。二是客观主义,强调认知过程中主体和客体的分离,主体的认知应该绝对反映客观事物的特点,不掺杂个人态度、情感、信念和价值等主观因素[5 ] 。通过运用这两条原则,我们发现心理学的实证研究的本质是对心理学的实体理论进行了探讨。在研究过程中主要研究两方面的内容:一是一般的理论,比如心理学中的混沌理论、系统理论、人工智能理论、心理过程中的心理论、项目反应理论、决定论、意识论,等等;二是具体理论,如感觉知觉理论、学习理论、情绪理论、人格理论、能力理论、创造理论,等等。这类理论有个共同点,就是理论思维同实证研究是结合的,即从其他的实证学科中获取数据和资料,从中抽象出一般的性质。例如,在当代,大部分认知心理学家把注意的中心指向认知过程的实证分析上,以计算机模拟的方式分析认知过程,从而得出人的内部心理机制。总之,实证研究从微观上对心理现象进行了全方位的研究和探讨,在心理学的发展中具有重要的功能和作用。


    三、对理论研究和实证研究关系的认识


    科学哲学的研究表明,理论研究的发展应先于实证研究的发展。科学史同样表明,对问题的研究必须进行全面的认识,不仅从宏观上,在某种意义上说来,还要注重微观的探讨。我们知道,心理学的理论研究和实证研究就好比是一个问题的宏观和微观两个层面。要大力促进心理学的全面发展,必须正确认识和处理好理论研究和实证研究的关系。


    实质上,心理学的理论研究和实证研究是相辅相成的。理论研究为实证研究提供了理论指导,而实证研究为理论研究提供了材料。一切实证研究都是以一定的理论假设为基础的,而心理学理论假设的构建又必须建立在一定的事实基础上。理论研究与实证研究的分工是科学的发展和细分的结果。如果离开了心理学的实证研究,心理学的理论研究就成了纯粹的主观臆断;反之,心理学的理论研究离开心理学的实证研究就成了没有思想的任意操作。总之,加强心理学的理论研究和实证研究的结合是整合心理学的根本出路。


    [参 考 文 献]


    [ 1 ]  叶浩生. 再论心理学的分裂与整合[J ] . 心理学探新,2000 , (2) .
    [ 2 ]  叶浩生. 论理论心理学的概念、性质与作用[J ] . 湖南师范大学学报,2003 , (5) .
    [ 3 ]  叶浩生. 实证主义的衰落与理论心理学的复兴[J ] . 南京师范大学学报(社会科学版) ,1998 , (1) .
    [ 4 ]  霍涌泉,安伯欣. 西方心理学的复兴及其面临的挑战[J ] . 陕西师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版) ,2002 , (6) .
    [ 5 ]  谢国栋. 实验心理学的反思[J ] . 河南师范大学学报,2002 , (4) .


    〔责任编辑:常延廷〕


    ·27 ·

  • DATABASE-CSA

    2007-4-02

    Psychology: A SAGE Full-Text Collection

    A | B | C | D | E | F | G | H | I | J | K | L | M | N | O | P | Q | R | S | T | U | V | W | X | Y | Z

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  • suicide and cancer

    2007-4-01

    不愿拖累家人,不堪忍受痛苦,癌症患者自杀行为已防不胜防——
    一家医院5年跳下近20癌症患者

    作者:  日期:2007.03.29  版次:A1-11


        鼻咽癌化疗太痛苦,跳楼;身患绝症,老婆跟别人走了,跳楼;儿女因医疗费分摊当面争吵不休,跳楼;患癌症但儿子时刻守着,趁他上洗手间的空当,跳楼……在广州某省级三甲医院保安队陈队长和蒋队长看来,患者跳楼自杀几乎年年都有,虽然各有各的不幸,但原因都是共同的:不愿拖累家人、太痛苦、被亲人抛弃……


        “自杀不是因为患癌,而是患癌背后的经济、社会、家庭因素导致。”专家一针见血指出,过度医疗也是幕后推手。“只有提倡姑息治疗和推行开展临终关怀,他们才不会觉得生不如死。”
        
    无法忍受化疗患者欲跳楼


        “气垫都铺好了,他看到气垫在下面就换了个地方打算重新跳。”陈队长回想起25日下午发生的一幕依然心有余悸。下午4时,巡逻的保安发现门诊楼四楼天台上一名身着蓝白条纹病人服的男子正在上面徘徊并往下不断探视。值班保安发现该患者满脸愁容,脖子和手背上贴着纱布,意识到其可能打算跳楼!于是立即报警。


        楼层离地面大概20米,下面已有消防人员铺设了气垫。保安干部和民警反复耐心劝说,又通知其妻子赶到现场安抚,其妻子当场吓晕过去,最终该男子放弃跳楼重新回到病房。


        “我们把他扶上来后问他为什么要这么干,他说自己得了鼻咽癌而且癌细胞已经转移,‘化疗实在太辛苦了’,而且他家里没钱治,所以想到死了算了。”陈队长说。


        无独有偶,就在同一天,广州另一家三甲医院也发生了一起患者跳楼事件。“一点都不奇怪,患者跳楼自杀事件几乎每家医院都有,还曾发生一位患者跳楼压死另一位过路人,所以医护人员不少都会绕开住院部下面走。”一位医务工作者平静地说。


        广东省某大型三甲医院:5年来跳楼死亡人数近20人,仅1例连夜上手术台抢救过来,其余全部死亡。
        
    儿子上洗手间老母跳了楼


        “2006年我们医院发生4宗患者自杀事件,我都参与了现场处理,全部是当场死亡。”陈队长说。


        “从2002年到现在,在我们医院跳楼自杀的患者有十几例。”某三甲医院保安队负责人蒋队长告诉记者,自杀也可能“传染”,曾有两例在一周之内相继跳楼死亡。


        “有一位白血病患者从住院部13楼往下跳,结果跳到了9楼儿科天台上,头部先着地抽搐了一会儿当场死亡,差点吓坏住院的孩子。”蒋队长说,另一位更惨,儿子上洗手间的空当,老母就这么纵身跳了下去。


        “我们凌晨接到值班保安报警发现一位老年女患者摔死了,于是马上逐层查找核实她的身份,正好一个年轻男子说他刚陪他妈说话,他去趟洗手间回来妈妈就不见了。”蒋队长还记得,当时该男子正四处找他妈,保安劝他下去认一下人,他虽然根本不相信这么短的时间他妈会背着他跳楼但还是下去了,结果发现,真的是自己的老母亲……
        
    没一个家人找医院麻烦


        几位保安队队长告诉记者,这些跳楼自杀的患者的共同特点:“基本都是中老年人而且是癌症患者,其中大部分为晚期癌患者。”而患者跳楼自杀后其家人虽然悲痛但都不感觉意外,纷纷表示“已有预感”、“他生前曾多次说不想拖累我们”,所以无一例患者家属吵闹找医院麻烦事件发生。


        据悉,医院把住院部的阳台都加高了,还在窗户外都装了防盗网等,但蒋队长表示,虽然想尽招数欲严防死守,但自杀事件还是防不胜防。
        
    【原因】没钱、痛苦、脆弱、厌世


        据分析,癌症患者自杀的原因按主次可分四个。


        ■经济负担重不愿拖垮家庭  “家里穷治病已经花光了钱还欠很多债,这些患者心理压力都很大,觉得连累了家人尤其是子女。”因为保安队长都必须与死者家属接触而了解其死亡原因,而众多家属也都会首先猜测患者是考虑家庭经济负担而选择自杀。“这是很现实的因素,有一位60多岁的阿婆,住院多次,一天子女在病床前因为经济原因当面争吵,当天晚上,阿婆就跳楼了。”广州市荔湾区某三甲医院一位肿瘤科医生沉痛地告诉记者,经济因素虽然现实,但绝对是占第一位的主导因素。


        ■疗效欠佳,痛苦不堪,一死求解脱  据一名姓贾的医生(化名)告诉记者,他曾收治过一位肝癌病人,由于住院时已全身多处骨转移,大量腹水,痛苦不堪,于是偷偷选择了自杀了事。


        ■心理脆弱,认为癌症是绝症,不如早点死算了  “国人恐癌心理特别强,国外没有医生、家属会瞒着病人不告诉其患癌,但在国内则很多家属央求医生怎么也不能告诉病人患癌,这证明无论是患者还是家属对癌症的承受度比较弱。”有医生告诉记者。


        ■缺乏家庭温暖,厌生求死  一位临床肿瘤科医生告诉记者:“有的亲属本来与病人好像感情很‘深厚’,一旦得知病人时日不多就立刻变脸,轻者玩消失,重者摆明认钱不认人。我还听到过他们讨论分遗产!”
        
    【措施】姑息治疗、临终关怀


        “癌症患者跳楼自杀,‘过度治疗’也是促因。”广州市中医院张华教授认为,癌症治疗本来就是漫长的抗战,周期长、花费高,整体费用肯定比普通疾病高,个人往往难以承担,“而此时再加上医院过度治疗,对患者无疑雪上加霜,费用比起姑息治疗来甚至可能高出数十倍。”张华表示,医护人员应该“手下留情”,对晚期癌症患者多实施姑息治疗。


        “所谓姑息治疗就是不进行没必要、疗效微薄的药和治疗,它的宗旨是对症治疗、减轻病人痛苦。”张华表示,正是在无太大疗效下滥做手术、滥用化疗,而这些费用动辄过万又收效甚微导致患者可能不堪忍受经济压力而跳楼自杀。


        由于治疗时间长、花费大,“久病床前无孝子”在癌症患者身上充分得到体现。张华由此表示,“不要让癌症患者感觉到社会、家庭和医护人员全都抛弃了他。”张华表示,人得了癌症以后会感觉自己没用、拖累这个世界,而且担心看别人脸色,如果达到心理极限就会选择轻生。


        他指出,预防癌症病人自杀的主要措施之一就是开展临终关怀,“临终关怀在很多国家都做得非常好,费用也不高,现在我国逐渐起步,广东也建立了临终关怀大楼,其实应该考虑把临终关怀纳入到全民基本医疗范畴中。”

    广州日报供稿 

    资料来源:新民晚报   

  • psychological term

    2007-4-01

    SIFFM

    人格五因子模型定式问卷 1*

     

    Structured diagnostic interviews 定式诊断晤谈 

    为针对诊断标准手册中的诊断标准设计的一组晤谈问卷,对所有的受检者使用同一种问卷并以同样的程序进行检查目前已有许多定式诊断晤谈用于评估儿童、青少年的内向化和外向化障碍。 1*476

     

    psychobabble 心理呓语<美口>

    指肤浅的滥用心理学和精神病学概念和术语的言语或写作,尤20世纪60年代嬉皮士中间。7*1467

     

    psychodrama 心理表演疗法/心理剧

    通过演剧治疗精神病的方法,实施时由患者担任有关本人病例的角色,在其他病人及医生的帮助下作即兴表演以收到调养心理的疗效。/一种以分析或描述心理因素为主要内容的戏剧或电影。7*1467

     

    Single Category Implicit Association Test

    单类内隐联想测验

    The Single Category Implicit Association Test (SC-IAT) is a modification of the Implicit Association Test that measures the strength of evaluative associations with a single attitude object

    单类内隐联想测验(SC-IAT)是对内隐联想测验的一种修正,它是用来测量和单个的态度对象之间的可估价的联想的强度。--温馨

    Andrew Karpinski and Ross B. Steinman, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Copyright 2006 by the American Psychological Association 2006, Vol. 91, No. 1, 16–32

     

     

  • Confidence of paternity, divorce, and investment in children by Albuquerque men

    2007-3-26

    Confidence of paternity, divorce, and investment in children by Albuquerque men
    Kermyt G. Andersona,4, Hillard Kaplanb, Jane B. Lancasterb
    Department of Anthropology, University of Oklahoma, Norman, OK 73019, USA
    Human Evolutionary Ecology Program, Department of Anthropology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM 87131, USA
    Initial receipt 22 May 2006; final revision received 6 June 2006

    1. Introduction


    Asymmetry of parental investment is a fundamental feature of sexual reproduction (e.g., Clutton-Brock, 1991;Low, 2000). In the vast majority of species, female gametes are larger than male gametes and provide the initial energy plant for development. Moreover, when investment extends beyond the initial energetic input into gametes, it is often the female that provides the extra care or resources. In some cases, however, males do provide substantial inputs into offspring, rarely more than females but sometimes as much as females. Therefore, paternal care is much more variable across species than maternal care. While among birds and mammals, most females engage in extensive parental investment, male care of offspring is rather rare among mammals, common in birds, and highly variable among fish (Clutton-Brock, 1991). Because parental care is costly,evolution predicts that males will provide less parental investment for putative genetic offspring who are unlikely to be their actual offspring (e.g., Alexander, 1974; Trivers,1972; Xia, 1992).


    The distinctions between actual paternity, nonpaternity,and paternity confidence are often confounded or overlooked in the literature (Anderson, Kaplan, & Lancaster, in press; Schwagmeyer & Mock, 1993). Paternity refers to the actual likelihood that a man is (or is not) the biological father of a particular child. Nonpaternity is the exclusion of paternity and refers to the likelihood that a man is not the genetic father of a particular child. Modern paternity tests do not prove paternity; rather, they demonstrate nonpaternity by showing that a given man is exceedingly unlikely to have fathered a particular child. In contrast, paternity confidence refers to a man’s internal (not necessarily conscious or articulated) assessment of his paternity.


    Among humans, beliefs about paternity and men’s responsibility for children vary greatly cross-culturally (e.g., Beckerman et al., 1998; Hrdy, 2000; Levine, 1987),

    P2

    though men in many different cultures pay great attention to paternity (e.g., Betzig, 1989; Daly & Wilson, 1988). In Western legal tradition, men are generally not held responsible for putative children who are in fact not theirs (Rudavsky, 1999; Wilson, 1987), and American men who refuse to pay child support often cite suspected nonpaternity as justification (Dubey, 1995).

     

    The mechanics of internal fertilization and live birth mean that while women are always sure of maternity, men can never be fully positive of paternity. Men must rely instead on indirect cues such as mate fidelity or child resemblance to assess whether they are likely to be the father of a particular child (e.g., Davis & Daly, 1997). Most research on paternity confidence has focused on men’s resemblance to children and their ability to detect it (reviewed in Anderson et al., in press). In contrast,Anderson et al. (in press) examined demographic correlates of paternity confidence, using data on men in Albuquerque,NM. They reported that men were more likely to report low paternity confidence in a pregnancy if the man was not married to the child’s mother or if the pregnancy was unplanned. Both of these factors are likely to correlate to some extent with the potential for mate infidelity. No research has directly examined how accurately men assess paternity confidence, though indirect evidence suggests that men with high paternity confidence may be more accurate in their assessment than men with low paternity confidence (Anderson, 2006).

     

    The prediction that males will invest less in offspring who are unlikely to be theirs has received limited empirical examination. For avian species, the prediction is generally met, although the effect is not as strong or as universal as originally predicted (Mbller & Birkhead, 1993; Schwagmeyer et al., 1999; Whittingham & Dunn, 2001), and many of the avian studies have been criticized on methodological

    grounds (Kempenaers & Sheldon, 1997; Schwagmeyer & Mock, 1993; Sheldon, 2002). Among nonhuman primates, it has been questioned whether paternal care ever reflects paternity (e.g., Van Schaik & Paul, 1996).

     

    Among humans, analyses of qualitative cross-cultural data suggest that paternity confidence is positively associated with men’s involvement with children, or with investment or inheritance from paternal kin (Diamond & Lorcay, 1989; Flinn, 1981; Gaulin & Schlegel, 1980; Greene, 1979;

    Hartung, 1985; Kurland, 1979). Within societies, greater investment by matrilineal than patrilineal kin suggests significant levels of nonpaternity, or more precisely, it suggests reduced levels of paternity confidence (Euler &

    Weitzel, 1996; Gaulin, McBurney, & Brakeman-Wartell,1997; McBurney, Simon, Gaulin, & Geliebter, 2002; but see Pashos, 2000, for mixed results). Relatively, little is known about the rates of actual paternity cross-culturally (see Anderson, 2006, for a detailed analysis).Fox and Bruce (2001) used a sample of men in Knoxville County, TN, to examine the relationship between confidence of paternity and (a) a measure of men’s affective involvement with children, and (b) a composite fathering variable. They found a positive relationship for both outcomes, but paternity confidence was unrelated to several

    other measures of fathering (responsivity, harshness, and behavīoral engagement). However, Fox and Bruce (2001) provided no substantive information on how they measured paternity confidence, making the interpretation and contextualization of their results difficult.

     

    No study has directly examined the quantitative relationship between actual paternity and investment in or involvement with children. In the current study, we propose to examine how self-reported paternity confidence influences men’s investment in their putative genetic offspring. We analyze how paternity confidence influences paternal investment indirectly, through the likelihood that men may abandon low paternity confidence children, and directly,through reduced direct male involvement with low paternity

    confidence children after controlling for divorce status.

     

    1.1.   Hypotheses

     

    We proposed two routes through which low paternity confidence may reduce paternal investment. One route is through divorce or separation from the child’s mother,which often results in men ceasing to live with the child. In many cultures, divorce results in reduced male investment in children from previous relationships (e.g., Amato, 1987;Anderson, Kaplan, Lam, & Lancaster, 1999; nderson,Kaplan, & Lancaster, 1999; Hofferth & Anderson, 2003;Simpson, 1997; Teachman, 1991; Weiss & Willis, 1985;Weiss & Willis, 1993). This reduction in investment  occurs in part not only because of reduced contact between men and children, but also because men have reallocated resources toward new avenues of mating effort, as well as perhaps into new children or stepchildren (Anderson, 2000).Divorce can be considered an indirect form of reduced investment in children and results in our first hypothesis:(1) Men will be more likely to divorce women if they suspect or are sure that they are not the father of their partner’s child.

     

    Whether or not divorce has occurred, men may reduce direct investment in low paternity confidence children.Controlling for paternal coresidence in this analysis is crucial. We expected to find an effect of paternity confidence on men’s investments in children, above and beyond the effects of divorce on investment. This led to our second hypothesis: (2) Controlling for divorce, men will reduce direct investments in low paternity confidence children relative to high paternity confidence children.

     

    2.        Methods

     

    We used self-reported data from the Albuquerque men data set, a sample of men living in Albuquerque, NM,collected between 1990 and 1993 (see Kaplan, Lancaster, & Anderson, 1998, for further details). Participants were recruited at the Bernalillo County (New Mexico) Motor